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Archives for May 2008 May 29, 2008 Will Sklar II crack open Scientology's Secret Agreement with the IRS?
In the early 1990s, Michael and Marla Sklar deducted part of their children's school tuition from their income tax in an amount equal to the proportion they viewed their tuition going toward religious instruction, as opposed to secular teaching (e.g., math, english). He listed his deductions under section 170 of the Tax Code, which permits deductions for charitable and religious contributions. The IRS denied the Sklars their deduction, noting that the Sklars had not provided receipts from the Church of Scientology. Scientologists are permitted to deduct (hefty) payments for auditing because Scientology and the IRS agreed to view payments for auditing as “donations.” The IRS and Scientology didn't always agree on this, however—in fact, a U.S. Supreme Court case, Hernandez v. Commissioner, 490 U.S. 680 (1989), explicitly held that payments made by Scientologists for auditing were not deductible charitable contributions under section 170, because they were, in essence and structure, quid pro quo transactions. Prices for auditing services were fixed by the organization, which refunded payments if the auditing services went unperformed, the court noted. Despite the IRS's win over Scientology in 1989, Hernandez was not the only lawsuit Scientology was bringing against the IRS, and the IRS eventually relented and “settled” with the Church of Scientology (see Chris Owen compendium for more), which ceased all ongoing litigation against the IRS, and made a payment of $12.5 million (there were other details to the settlement, which is best summarized in this WSJ article).
Although the agreement was reached in 1993, it didn't come to light until 1997, when someone within the IRS leaked it to the Wall Street Journal, which published it in its entirety. Since then, neither the IRS nor Scientology has ever confirmed its veracity, but the parties haven't denied it, either. (As an aside, Alison Eaton asked a compelling, somewhat related question in a 1996 law review article—Can the IRS overrule the Supreme Court? See 45 Emory L.J. 987 (1996).) In light of the above, the Sklars argued that the IRS's disparate treatment of Scientology was an establishment clause violation—the First Amendment prohibits the government from preferring any one religion over another. The Ninth Circuit (the Sklars appealed after losing at the Tax Court level) agreed with the Sklars insofar as there was an establishment clause violation, but declined to grant them their desired remedy. The cure to the Constitutional problem, they said, was not to give everyone what the Scientologists were getting, but to rescind any such unconstitutional privilege. “The remedy is not to require the IRS to let others claim the improper deduction, too,” Judge Barry G. Silverman wrote. But then he went on to say:
Unfortunately, this is nearly impossible, as few, if any, taxpayers have standing to bring such a suit, especially after the Supreme Court's recent narrowing of the Flast (392 US 83) doctrine, in Hein (433 F.3d 989). I'll refrain from dragging this post down with a discussion of standing, but there's more here and here as to why it's effectively impossible for any person to bring a lawsuit against the IRS to rescind its unconstitutional agreement with Scientology. Despite losing their appeal, the Sklars weren't finished—they attempted the same type of deduction in consecutive years, so a second lawsuit was triggered by the subsequent denial, and the Sklars were back before the Ninth Circuit on February 4 of this year (I'll refer to this case as Sklar II). The lower court quashed the Sklars' attempts to subpoena Scientology for the secret agreement and other materials, so the oral arguments (which can be heard here and which is nicely summarized by the NY Sun here), were mainly about the IRS-Scientology secret agreement, and there were some encouraging signs. As noted above, because neither Scientology nor the IRS have admitted to the veracity of the secret agreement published by the Wall St. Journal, the Tax Court has not allowed the agreement into evidence. And because the secret agreement is necessary for the Sklars to be able to make their disparate treatment argument—i.e., the Sklars must be permitted to deduct religious school tuition to remedy the IRS's preferential treatment of Scientology—the secret agreement, they argue, must be disclosed. The IRS has a few responses to this argument. First, the type of religious training Scientologists are permitted to deduct (payments for auditing) is different than religious training that goes on in private schools. But as Ninth Circuit Judge Wardlaw asked IRS attorney Ellen Delsole, “How do we know that?” The IRS's argument relies on interpreting an agreement they won't acknowledge exists, but admits to having read in the Wall Street Journal. “You tell us you don't know anything of it, but you read the Wall Street Journal,” Judge Pregerson incredulously ponders. Second, the IRS argues, the secret agreement is a settlement document between the IRS and private individual Scientologists, and to disclose the agreement would violate the privacy of those individuals (specifically, section 6103 of the Tax Code). This is also preposterous, because—assuming the secret agreement published by the WSJ is accurate, and there's no reason to think it's not—the individual taxpayers at issue are barely even addressed in the secret agreement. The settlement agreement largely addresses the restructuring of the Scientology corporate maze, its front groups, and so on. Plus, as Judge Wardlaw pointed out, judges have an array of tools to cure any privacy issues related to individuals—the document could be partially redacted, held under seal, etc. Third (and this is really their only marginally valid argument), the Ninth Circuit in Sklar I already recognized the unfairness of the preferential treatment Scientology is apparently receiving, but that fact—true or not—does not alter the outcome of the Sklars’ request, whose outcome is determined by prior case law, most notably United States v. American Bar Endowment, 477 U.S. 105 (1986), and Hernandez. (That's right: The same Hernandez decision that categorically barred Scientologists from deducting auditing payments, if you can wrap your head around that irony.) “That's your best argument: two wrongs don't make a right,” remarked Judge Ronald Leighton (Western District of Washington, sitting by designation). But Judge Wardlaw openly questioned how the tax court could possibly know the outcome without considering Sklars’ argument in light of disclosed secret agreement, and may have tipped her hand when she said, “I think that's what we're going to have to do [remand with instructions to disclose].” The IRS also offered a weak administrative nightmare argument—the IRS would be forced to answer to other taxpayers who might want the same deal the Scientologists are getting. The Sklars’ lawyer, Jeffrey Zuckerman, ably dismissed this argument: “If the IRS were saying white people were entitled to a certain deduction and black people were not, why would it be such a parade of horrors for the courts to come in and say the government may not act that way?” It's usually not possible to determine how a case is going to go based on oral arguments and the questions that judges ask, but one moment in the February 4 oral argument stood out to me as a “very good indicator,” to borrow a Scientology term of art.
It'll be four months since those arguments next week, and an opinion should be issued soon. It seems entirely possible that the Ninth Circuit will remand with instructions to force the IRS to disclose the secret agreement so that the Sklars can make their disparate treatment argument. I suspect it won't do Sklar any good, as the type of deduction he seeks is the type instituted by Congress, not via some loophole left open by an IRS settlement with Scientology, as patently unfair as that settlement agreement is and might be. But what it would do is make the secret agreement “fair game,” to borrow another term all-too-familiar to Scientology. Disclosure of the agreement doesn't solve the standing problem (see above), but it does brighten a dark and ugly secret that both the IRS and Scientology wish to keep dark. posted by scott pilutik at May 29, 2008 04:45 PM
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reddit May 26, 2008 are non-profits finally being scrutinized?
Judges and congress are (finally) becoming skeptical of non-profits, according to the NY Times, which cites a Minnesota State Supreme Court case from December (Under the Rainbow Child Care Ctr., Inc. v. County of Goodhue, 741 N.W.2d 880 (Minn. 2007)), which held that a nonprofit day care agency here had to pay property taxes because it was not charitable. The agency, the Under the Rainbow Child Care Center, charges the same price per child regardless of whether their parents are able to pay the full amount themselves or they receive government support to cover the cost.Hopefully this ruling portends a larger shift away from the routine deference shown to non-profits by all the responsible parties; congress, the IRS, and the courts. The rationale behind granting tax exemption to non-profits is economic--non-profits perform tasks benefiting the public that would otherwise fall on the government. If exempt entities are not charitable, the rationale for granting the exemption evaporates. The article primarily discusses this shift as it has been applied to hospitals, day care centers, and universities (Harvard is sitting on $35b), but Churches are also being scrutinized, thanks to Senator Charles Grassley's (R-Iowa) Tax Committee, which, last November, requested the finances of six televangelists, including a few of my favorites, Benny Hinn and Creflo Dollar. This shift toward greater scrutiny of supposedly charitable entities has brought some obvious opposition--as the Times article points out: These two elements of the ruling have profoundly alarmed nonprofit groups in Minnesota and elsewhere.I'll disclaim that I've not read the relevant law to coherently laud or criticize the Minnesota case, but I do welcome the shift toward greater scrutiny--if enough charitable entities unjustly lose their exempt status (or, in a state setting, are forced to pay property tax) through an broad reading of Under the Rainbow Child Care Ctr., the legislature can step in and correct it. But this shift toward greater scrutiny is apparently quite real, and the non-profits and churches are disgruntled and scared. While I was poking around for thoughtful commentary (as opposed to the predictable screeching from those directly affected--see the Believers Stand United site, run by televangelist Kenneth Copeland http://www.believersstandunited.com), I came across lawyer and non-profit expert Jack B. Siegel, who asks [in response to an IRS determination letter of rejection to an Evangelical church's 501(c)(3) application]: Why can't Congress and the Service leave it to the business judgment of boards and donors? If donors continue to give to those charities that are accumulating wealth, the donors must see value in such accumulations.Answer: Because the ultimate beneficiaries of charity are not donors. but the public. More thoughtful commentary on this issue from Melissa Rogers. posted by scott pilutik at May 26, 2008 11:24 PM
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reddit May 20, 2008 You can't say CULT in England
The Guardian is reporting that a 15 year old member of Anonymous is facing prosecution for daring to brandish the word "cult" on a sign while he was picketing Scientology last Saturday. The law in question is Public Order Act, Section 5, which is apparently intended to permit the police to control unruly mobs and to quell riots. Here's the relevant portion of the statute: 5 Harassment, alarm or distress (1) A person is guilty of an offence if he—The problem with the law will be instantly recognizable to most Americans: the statue is vague, overbroad and runs squarely against free speech expectations. Somewhat helpfully, the Crown Prosecutor's website gives some clues as to how the statute should be read.(a) uses threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviour, or disorderly behaviour, or (b) displays any writing, sign or other visible representation which is threatening, abusive or insulting, within the hearing or sight of a person likely to be caused harassment, alarm or distress thereby. Police officers are aware of the difficult balance to be struck in dealing with those whose behaviour may be perceived by some as exuberant high spirits but by others as disorderly. In such cases informal methods of disposal may be appropriate and effective; but if this approach fails and the disorderly conduct continues then criminal proceedings may be necessary.It almost sounds as if this law was intended to give the police broad powers to fight the all-too-frequent soccer hooligan incidents that arise. They provide examples of violative behavior that seems to confirm this:
So why haven't they actually served anyone? My guess is that they won't, or they would have already. My guess is that they're trying to split the middle because they're under intense pressure from Scientology to do something--after all, it was only two years ago that the London police force was caught in bed with Scientology: Dozens of police officers have accepted film premiere tickets, banquet invitations and the use of a jazz band from the controversial Church of Scientology, it has emerged. I've no idea whether there's a connection, but it's certainly worth poking around further. In the meantime, I'm pondering whether the actions the police are taking with this quasi-summons is worse than actually bringing a case. The net effect of such a tactic--threats of prosecution but no actual prosecution--is a profoundly direct chill on speech, across the entirety of Anonymous. But the Crown is likely aware that it would lose any such case it brought forward under this law and these facts. If it does go to court, the 15 year old warning recipient is apparently wise beyond his years, responding to the police who handed him the warning by quoting British High Court Justice Latey, who said in 1984, "It is dangerous because it is out to capture people and to indoctrinate and brainwash them so they become the unquestioning captives and tools of the cult, withdrawn from ordinary thought, living, and relationships with others." [ironic emphasis added] UPDATE: "Orderous" on the Ex Scientology Kids forum responded to this article (I'd reply there but my registration is pending), identifying my citing the bribery scandal from a year and half ago as "tin foil hattery." The poster appears to be from London him/herself, and so I'll certainly defer to his/her knowledge of the particulars, noting that my speculation was only speculation--and my speculation was merely intended to point out that Scientology has successfully dangled carrots before the London Police before, and it wasn't even that long ago. Given that context, my speculation is certainly reasonable. That said, Orderous quotes another poster, "theanonymoustipster," who is identified by Orderous as the person making all the calls to the CPS & CoL (Crown Prosecution Service & City of London[?]):
This certainly seems plausible--that the London policle sought an opinion from the Crown Prosecution Service, which decided on this policy of handing out quasi-summons, which the police were beholden to enforce. If so, my speculation was merely aimed at the wrong target. Scientology routinely brings tremendous pressure to bear on public officials--sometimes via the carrot, sometimes via the stick. Read about Clearwater then-Medical Examiner Joan Wood, read about NYC council member Margarita Lopez, read about CCHR's involvement in getting anti-psychiatry bills passed by local governments, read about the IRS (where Scientology's consideration in the parties' secret deal was merely to cease ongoing litigation against the IRS), and so on. Speculating that Scientology may have corrupted public officials where those public officials find themselves out on a limb for the organization, in light of history, is measured skepticism, not tin-foil hattery. There is also a difference between a specific allegation of corruption and hedged speculation that it might exist, a difference, which, ironically, appears to be at the heart of this controversy, which highlights the UK's weak protections for speech. UPDATE II: The Crown Prosecution Service decided against bringing the case to court, as expected. A CPS spokesman said: "In consultation with the City of London police, we were asked whether the sign, which read 'Scientology is not a religion it is a dangerous cult', was abusive or insulting. posted by scott pilutik at May 20, 2008 07:44 PM
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reddit May 17, 2008 Hard evidence of Scientology's illegal e-meter policy
Not long ago I posted about Scientology's abuse of eBay's VeRO program, which permits intellectual property holders to determine what constitutes an infringement and thus unchecked permission to remove sale listings. eBay’s VeRO program thus encourages overreaching by rightsholders. One of the most notorious VeRO overreachers has been the Church of Scientology, which predicates its routine removal of e-meter listings on vague and specious intellectual property bases such as patent and trademark law. Scientology does this in order to control the secondary market for used e-meters for both economic reasons—if used e-meters were more available, Scientology would have a difficult time selling new ones for thousands of dollars; and cultish reasons—by making itself the sole sales source for e-meters, Scientology imbues the e-meter with a religious mystique, albeit an unwarranted one, as the device is basically a crudely designed lie-detector. If there were any doubt about the illegitimacy of Scientology’s intellectual property claims with regard to the e-meter sales on eBay, the following letter should put that to rest. Ruth Lorenzen is a recently departed ex-member of Scientology, and her departure was somewhat acrimonious—she was declared a suppressive person and even her business partner (a Scientologist) was instructed to cease communicating with her. They also sent her the following letter pertaining to the e-meter Ruth purchased during her time as a Scientologist [PDF here from Ruth's site, my transcription below, with my emphasis added]:
This letter demonstrates how Scientology views its ex-members as being so beneath contempt that their right to resell goods is somehow magically nullified by a tag on the item. Like so much else in Scientology, the language on the tag is legal bluster meant to intimidate and is without much legal weight, if any. The unfortunate part is that legal bluffs are somewhat effective, especially against cult members, and even ex-members. A similar legal bluff Scientology employs is what Professor Dave Touretzky has accurately termed the “Lisa Clause”—a broadly worded waiver of every personal and procedural right Scientology’s lawyers could imagine, intended to shield itself from the sort of liability that arose in the case of Lisa McPherson. If challenged, their proposed release form (which every Scientologist is forced to sign) would crumble fast on any number of bases (adhesion, unconscionability, lack of consideration are the first things that come to mind), but these agreements are rarely challenged, and it’s likely that Scientology even knows that. But the purpose of the Lisa Clause is identical in form to the e-meter tag: it’s not intended to withstand a challenge, only prevent challenges from arising in the first place. * Tag language is as follows: "By itself, this meter does nothing. It is solely for the guide of Ministers of the Church in Confessionals and pastoral counseling. The Electrometer is not medically or scientifically capable of improving the health or bodily function of anyone and is for religious use by students and Ministers of the Church of Scientology only." posted by scott pilutik at May 17, 2008 10:57 PM
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reddit May 10, 2008 Scientology’s Tax Exemption, Inurement, and Tom Cruise
In
No single individual may be more integral to a particular religious movement than Tom Cruise is to Scientology, a fact apparently not lost on Scientology’s current leader, David Miscavige, who, according to Morton, made recruiting Cruise a top priority, sparing little expense along the way. Morton describes Tom Cruise’s first visit Scientology’s Gold base, in Hemet, California: “In the weeks before [Cruise’s] arrival, the base was a hive of activity as the five hundred or so Sea Org disciples painted, pruned, primped, and cleaned the gardens and buildings so that it was in pristine condition for his arrival.” Cruise was housed in a “plush guest bungalow” and given his own chef and butler, Sinar Parman for the duration of his stay.” Since recruiting Cruise, the Church of Scientology’s treatment Cruise has transcended mere VIP levels. For example:
The aforementioned examples indicate, at the very least, that the Church of Scientology views Tom Cruise as something greater than an ordinary parishioner, despite not bestowing an official title upon him. Cruise’s relationship with the Church is multi-faceted: He frequently reaps benefits, ranging from ordinary celebrity perks to extraordinary benefits of a unique nature, while he simultaneously advances the church’s goals by acting as its agent and emissary before governmental bodies. Per se church insiders—Sea Org staff—treat him with a deference reserved only for other—higher—church officials. Staff also tend to Cruise’s personal needs and vet his own personal staff members using Scientology criteria. As Morton rightly concludes, Cruise is essentially the de facto number two official in Scientology, albeit not on paper. Whether Tom Cruise is an insider is a determination the IRS or a judge would have to make, because any consideration of the question would necessitate an inquiry into the specific nature of Tom Cruise’s relationship with the Church of Scientology. But as I’ve already pointed out, if Tom Cruise is an insider, any benefit accruing to him would jeopardize Scientology’s exempt status. Such a factual determination would also necessitate a legal fight with the notoriously litigious Church that the U.S. Justice department is probably not willing to undertake, as the Church would almost certainly invoke various Constitutional protections against any such fact-finding excursion. But determining whether Tom Cruise is an insider is unnecessary if the IRS or a judge instead determined that the personal benefits accruing to Cruise from the Church of Scientology were “substantial,” a term which is usually described in case law on the subject as the opposite of “incidental.” Regardless of whether one views the term “substantial” against an absolute or relative standard (the relative standard would ask whether a benefit was substantial against a particular church’s size), a $300,000 birthday party aboard a cruise ship could only be regarded as substantial. If it could be determined that the Church of Scientology was indeed providing Tom Cruise with substantial personal benefits, it could defend itself against allegations of inurement by demonstrating that the benefits were for a charitable or religious purpose. But that would likely prove difficult—personal chefs, gyms, wine, and birthday parties are rarely described as charitable or religious. The Church could also argue that it didn’t provide any benefits—rather, either Miscavige or Cruise paid for them personally, and reimbursed the cost of services actually provided by Church staff members. Even if it had the paperwork to back that argument up, it would also have to demonstrate that its reimbursement accounted for the fair market value of the services of Sea Org members, who work around the clock and are paid less than $75 a week. This could also prove difficult. My legal exercise here is probably a moot point, of course—Scientology hasn’t had to answer to the IRS since 1993, when the two parties signed a secret deal (since leaked to and published by the Wall Street Journal) granting it 501(c)(3) status in return for dropping all ongoing litigation (which at the time was substantial) against it. But there are cracks in the armor nevertheless: a case brought in federal court by Michael Sklar sought to deduct religious school tuition payments on the basis that Scientology was receiving preferential treatment from the IRS by its allowing Scientologists to deduct auditing payments. In support of his larger argument, Sklar argued that Scientology’s secret agreement with the IRS should be made public (even though it’s leaked and its veracity never denied, it’s still “secret” and therefore unable to enter into Sklar’s case). Sklar’s deduction was denied, but the case is on appeal before the 9th Circuit. If the agreement were made public, Scientology might become vulnerable to other legal challenges, although the taxpayer standing prohibition looms as a large obstacle (an obstacle I’ll attempt to address in a future post). posted by scott pilutik at May 10, 2008 05:47 PM
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